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A Comparative Look at Alcohol Use in Young People

Here, I explore various theories about why young people drink alcohol and compare the differences between various European countries, such as the UK, Denmark, Norway and Italy. The differences between the UK and Italy, for example, are quite significant. What I found worrying, is the emphasis that is placed on how young people can use alcohol as a way of creating their identification and character. Something I could certainly relate to. The article also looks at the influence of the alcohol industry and the more you get to know me and my work the more you will understand my thoughts towards the power that industry holds on policy and the lives of all people, not just those classed as 'young'.

Introduction

This blog will seek to explore how alcohol use by young people in the UK has been conceptualised and portrayed within research literature and the media, also highlighting the differences, as well as similarities, that can be seen in the countries of Italy, Norway and Denmark. Initially, a view of young people's alcohol consumption within each of the countries mentioned will be explored. Terms such as 'binge' drinking and 'drunkenness' will be analysed to see if there is a more effective term that can be applied and the discussion will conclude by investigating the argument that perhaps young people should not necessarily be blamed or stigmatised by the wider public for what they may deem as unreasonable and anti-social behaviour.

How does the UK compare with other countries?

The UK is well recognised, at both home and abroad, as a nation that likes to drink alcohol, to the extent that, "the pattern of 'binge and brawl' behaviour has sometimes been characterised as the 'British disease'"[1]. Furthermore, "public drunkenness and associated disorder have long been associated with British drinking culture" and, "a key feature in the leisure time behaviour associated with the working-class, male, young adult weekend has been the consumption of alcohol at drinking establishments"[2]. For the British in particular, "there are associations between this weekend drinking and alcohol-related disorder"[3].

However, Britain is not alone in this mentality towards alcohol consumption as Hibell et al. point out, "the drinking pattern in Denmark resembles the British, with its propensity for 'binge and brawl'; it is characterised by weekday abstinence and drinking sessions with peers during the weekend"[4]. Those involved in this kind of alcohol consumption also like to talk about their particular experiences of being intoxicated as this is seen as a, "popular way of presenting themselves"[5], with the view that they will be seen as, "a festive person who is willing to let go of themselves"[6]. Not only does the story they tell provide a platform to construct a particular identity or character, it also brings with it a coherence and camaraderie by removing any barriers and ego when part of a group; having the humility to laugh at ones-self can be an effective way to create and build friendship. Beccaria et al. elaborate further on the Danish attitude by highlighting that, "in Denmark, teenagers think that drunkenness is what transforms a 'room' into the 'right party ambience' and heavy drinking can be a means of increasing one's own social capital" [7].

In Finland, "being engaged in heavy drinking and episodes of drunkenness are even considered a sign of maturity[8]. However, whilst there are similarities between the UK and Denmark, with Finland stating that drunkenness actually shows a level of maturity, this is not the case in Norway, where,

"…young people drink more alcohol than those in older age groups as the use of alcohol is connected with adolescence, education and the transfer from childhood to adulthood. Individuals tend to reduce their consumption of alcohol in successful transition to the adult role" [9]

That being said, the Norwegians do share a similar mindset with the UK and Danes in that the code amongst the young not only involves heavy drinking, but with it comes a, "symbolic performance of drunkenness and individual lack of control over the intoxicated body. Public intoxicated action is a sign of personal identity"[10].

With this in mind, perhaps the biggest difference in mentality in young people when it comes to drinking alcohol can be seen in Italy, where research demonstrates that for young Italian people, 'binge' drinking only equates to what would be described in the UK as 'tipsy' and does not amount to 'drunkenness'. It would seem that there is a threshold that is socially acceptable within groups of young peers and drunkenness falls outside of that and is generally deemed unacceptable, meaning that, "the concept of 'binge' drinking cannot be used as a synonym of drunkenness, which young people in Italy judge severely"[11]. That is not to say that drunkenness does not occur, it does, yet this is less frequently mentioned, unlike the Danes or British, as the Italian's, "attribute a negative connotation to drunkenness and stated that they try to limit their drinking…in order to not lose control and make fools of themselves in front of others" [12]. Young Italians also, "experiment with long and strong intoxication without losing public self-control (or at least not always)"[13]. Heavy drinking in Italy is, "exhibited in performance as normal as possible and under control. Intoxicated manifestation of the body is a sign of lack of personal identity"[14].

This kind of approach also highlights the importance that the peer group plays in what has an element of self-governance and regulation within it so as not to be thought of negatively. Moreover, Beccaria et al. have described the term that Italians use to describe the following behaviours associated with drunkenness as 'extreme', they are, "'being irresponsible', 'not understanding anything', 'being annoying', 'not knowing what's going on' and 'saying and doing strange things'" [15]. This is beyond the threshold which they describe as 'euphoric' and, "'When you understand', 'are happy' and 'have an altered mood'"[16].

It has been mentioned how the Danes, Finnish and British do not really associate levels of immaturity with 'binge' drinking or 'drunkenness' however, in Norway there is a natural decline in drinking that means it is more associated with youth and in Italy this kind of approach can also be seen, yet perhaps with more negative connotations in that getting drunk,

"…is largely considered an immature behaviour and attributed to adolescents and young people. Many interviewees declared that their attitude towards drunkenness changed while growing up, partly because of greater responsibilities. Many limiting factors that lead to this change were noted: principally work and study"[17].

Others that participated in the research described those who go too far as,

"…foolish young people who cannot control themselves and have no sense of limits, or as people who run serious risks (e.g., of getting cirrhosis, but also of losing their lives) and who endanger others' lives (e.g., by drinking and driving). They are like 'little boys' (the concept of immaturity is recurrent) who drink, to seem like something they are not, to be cool, or people without much personality who drink just because others do. Some participants also consider this type of drinkers as 'social cases', with problems that lie far beyond drinking"[18].

It can be seen that, in countries such as the UK, Denmark and Norway, 'drunkenness' is accepted and encouraged, yet this would be frowned upon and thought negatively of in Italy; whereas the Italian approach, if seen in the opposing countries, would mean that the individual is perceived as unwilling to reveal themselves or their identity to the peer group. What does seem a rather strange concept is that how a person consumes alcohol and the manner in which the young people within the various cultures act or 'perform' whilst intoxicated is seen as a way of revealing their identity. It is somewhat concerning that young people do not feel they have an identity unless they are judged on how they act when intoxicated and perhaps this requires a deeper exploration of what is actually being taught to young people, from a social education perspective, in order to see if they could present their identity without the need for alcohol consumption as it is argued that, only when free from drunkenness, can a person's true identity be revealed.

Despite any of the differences mentioned, all countries, regardless of culture and the social classes within them, will have concern relating to how their youth and young adults consume alcohol and behave thereafter, given that they are a demographic that is usually associated with, "dancing with abandon, listening to blaring music, being agitated, shouting, fighting, laughing wildly, not wanting to go home and participating in sleepless nights of extreme drinking" [19], whilst also displaying, "impatience and acceleration, acceleration and excess, and a 'thirst for drunkenness'…yearning to live life to the fullest, beginning tonight" [20]. Yet, despite the fact that young people may put themselves at risk of harm, both in the short and long term,

"…it seems to be the visibility of young people's drinking and the potential threat this poses to public order that particularly galvanize communities to call for action to reduce problems of public drunkenness, threats to safety, and instances of public disturbance in general"[21].

This may be portrayed through 'reality style' television broadcasting programmes such as Booze Britain, "which holds intoxication by young people up for simultaneous viewer condemnation and voyeuristic entertainment"[22]. There is also a wealth of drunken incidents that can be seen on social media platforms if one simply types in 'drunk people' into the search criteria and this kind of drinking and behaviour is commonly referred to, as 'binge' drinking.

'Binge' drinking

It is quite clear from the information above that finding one conclusive definition of 'binge' drinking, that applies universally, is almost impossible and so this section will explore just some of what has been proposed and analyse their effectiveness. Traditional, clinical definitions have described a 'binge' as, "continuous, dependent drinking over a period of a day or more until the drinker is unconscious"[23]. A 'binge' has also been described in this manner as,

"…an extended period of time (often operationalized as at least 2 days) during which a person repeatedly administers a substance to the point of intoxication and gives up his/her usual activities and obligations in order to use the substance. It is the combination of prolonged use and the giving up of usual activities that forms the core of the definition of a 'binge'"[24].

However, more recently, 'binge' drinking has been associated more with alcohol consumption in a single drinking session through an objective quantitative definition. For example, in the UK, 'binge' drinking has been defined as either,

"…drinking more than half the recommended weekly maximum intake or (more usually) more than double the recommended daily maximum in a single session. Translated into quantitative terms, a man consuming beyond eight units (64 grams) and a woman consuming more than six units (48 grams) would be classified as 'binge drinking'"[25].

This unit-based definition is applied in public health campaigns that promote safe and sensible drinking amounts. However, in practical and 'real-life' terms, there appears to be a gap of credibility when it comes to the actual amounts of alcohol consumption by young people and those that are recommended. Moreover,

"…the increased availability and popularity of higher-strength alcohol beverages and larger serving measures suggests that academic and public health measures of 'standard' drinks are out of step with contemporary serving and drinking practices"[26].

It is clear that 'binge' drinking is a term used within the research field, perhaps due to a lack of options, yet, "the wide range of definitions and emotive terminology cloud rather than clarify our understanding of alcohol consumption"[27]. This can be made worse still when exploring the use of the term 'binge' within the media, where it can be commonly used to grab attention and label a wide variety of people and behaviours. An example of this can be seen in the Telegraph, which used the headline, "Britain's binge drinking levels are among the highest in the world" [28], yet in the article itself, the word 'binge' was hardly used and the terms 'heavy drinking' and 'heavy episodic drinking' were preferred. This suggests that the term 'binge' receives more attention from readers, yet it also carries with it a certain stigmatic connotation that slightly differs to the terms 'heavy drinking' and 'heavy episodic drinking', which, whilst just as serious, perhaps do not quite sound as rebellious, problematic and shameful as the word 'binge'. As can be seen, 'binge' has many meanings, both within the research field and the media and these inadequacies and the disagreements they bring mean that describing the behaviours and outcomes of young people is difficult, from both a public health and a policy perspective; nor is it useful when it comes to international, comparative research and so perhaps a new term is needed and one that could be considered is that of 'extreme' drinking.

'Extreme' drinking

In relation to young people and drinking, the adjective 'extreme' is representative of the,

"impatience, the feeling of urgency for things to happen "right now." And thus, the expression extreme drinking precisely encapsulates this yearning for "everything, now." The quantity of alcohol consumed is closely tied to the acceleration of consumption: The faster one drinks, the faster and more extreme the drunkenness"[29].

However, 'Extreme' drinking also,

"…encompasses more than just intoxication and more than simply heavy, excessive, and "binge" drinking. Extreme drinking includes a behavioural component: It is concerned not simply with consumption levels but also with the processes and patterns of consumption, as well as their positive and negative outcomes"[30].

Furthermore,

"…the intensity involved in extreme drinking is not an absolute but, rather, exists on a scale; it is largely defined by the culture within which it occurs and that culture's views on drinking. There are, however, five key criteria around the definition of extreme drinking that need to be satisfied: intoxication, motivation, process, outcomes, and alcohol experience"[31].

This invokes visions of a library of information, based on a scale, under each of the five criteria, with an overall average score, grade or concluding definition of extreme drinking for each culture that it sets out to define and would appear to be effective for comparative research. What remains to be seen however, is whether this can or will be applied to domestic governing bodies when it comes to describing 'safe' levels of drinking for public health campaigns. Furthermore, whilst researchers may find differences between cultures and countries useful, what about the most vulnerable in society and those who are or may become addicted to alcohol? Whilst the scale of extreme drinking may be different in the UK when compared with Italy for example, is it so different that what may be deemed a 'safe' level of consumption in one country may not in another, simply because the goal of the latter is to show less of their intoxication? It is difficult to think so; whilst cultures may be different, ultimately, human beings are physiologically similar, and the human body can only take so much alcohol regardless of what scale of 'extreme drinking' is applied and whatever the motives, patterns and processes may be.

Proponents have therefore also pointed out an important caveat in order to distinguish extreme drinking from heavy pathological drinking in that, "it is neither unbridled nor limitless. Rather, extreme drinking is a form of calculated hedonism and a desire to achieve a 'controlled loss of control'"[32]. It is difficult to disagree with advocates of the term 'extreme drinking', when they state that trying to define it, "poses a challenge"[33], nevertheless, it is a challenge that could be worthwhile for comparative studies. Whilst calculated hedonism and 'controlled loss of control' may be understandable terms, this is likely to be difficult to measure in practical situations, given it is too subjective as to when a person's drinking stops being calculated or controlled – does the drinker who plans to go out on a Saturday evening and drink enough to achieve calculated hedonism or controlled loss of control, regularly drink more than they would have planned to prior to the start of drinking, and at what point do they stop consciously realising they are still consuming alcohol anymore and would this also be classed as 'controlled loss of control'? Measham argues that,

"…the casualties in the toilets and the embarrassments on the dance floor are a reminder for most legal and illicit drug users of where to draw the line not only because of the financial, health and safety implications but also the lack of cultural credibility of extreme intoxication" [34]

However, it is suggested that this does not necessarily ring true for the UK, Danish and Norwegian cultures, instead it is arguably only true of young Italian people. Moreover, perhaps the phrase 'controlled loss of control' may be too much of a paradox, especially when used in conjunction of attempting to explain 'extreme drinking'. Furthermore, at what point does the pathological drinker stop being the 'controlled loss of control' drinker? Measham states that extreme drinking is not limitless, yet there are those who may describe themselves as alcoholics, alcohol addicts or pathological drinkers who have certain limits, no matter how small. If 'extreme drinking' can be applied using a scale then perhaps that scale should stretch to such a point that it also includes the most severe and most extreme cases and refer to these as 'uncontrolled loss of control'. Demant and Jarvinen have also proposed 'controlled drunkenness'[35], which may be a more appropriate term as, to some extent, it negates the paradoxical issue of being out of control in a controlled manner, yet this is also a somewhat subjective view.

Whilst many young people may want to engage in 'extreme' drinking and go home at the end of an evening safely, the outcomes can often be negative, for both them and society and, through intoxication, can result in, "injury, social and public disturbance, violence, and even (in extreme instances) death"[36]. If the previous quantitative definitions of 'binge' are recalled, it can be seen that these such outcomes are not part of any definitions, whereas 'extreme' drinking, "acknowledges the drinking process itself and accommodates greater focus on outcomes that are likely to follow"[37]. What is clear, regardless of whether the definition is 'binge' or 'extreme' drinking is that the outcomes mentioned above will likely be criticised by society at large, yet this next section will ask the question as to whether youths or young people should really take the whole of the blame for such outcomes.

Choices for young people

When headlines are seen in newspapers or online media platforms, which they often are, demonising the youth and young people of the UK for 'binge' drinking, it would perhaps be remiss of them to not also point out the changes in law and policy that helped facilitate the opportunity and availability to consume alcohol in such a way. The alcohol industry has commercially developed its products, revolutionising its beverages and the venues which sell those products have also gone through redesigns to make them more appealing, however, "changes in licensing policy and practice at local and national level also had a major impact"[38], that resulted in,

"…the expansion of alcohol-based leisure and increased sessional consumption…not only to traditional (working-class male) pub drinkers but also to 'new' groups of consumers or niche markets in the increasingly segmented leisure sector"[39].

With this in mind, it is suggested that concerns in relation to 'binge' or 'extreme' drinking must also take into consideration the determined, methodical and politically approved sanctioning of it, moreover, the sheer marketability of it in the UK, especially in relation to young people. However, it may be that the market has simply seen an opportunity to capitalise on the character and needs of those the industry caters for, as Hayward has pointed out,

"…rather than attempting to curtail the excitement and emotionality that, for many individuals, is the preferred antidote to ontological precariousness, the market chooses instead to celebrate and, very importantly, commodify, these same sensations'"[40].

The deeper question then centres around the choices that young people are being given. If alcohol was not so readily available would the same levels of consumption be achieved, or would young people simply turn to some other kind of 'extreme' behaviour borne out of the fact that they are simply that – young?

It has been suggested that through the consumption of alcohol, young people feel they can begin to form an image and identity through how they express themselves, yet perhaps this is, "manipulated by commercial developments and perpetuated by the cycle of low self-esteem fuelling consumerism" [41]and that, "advanced capitalism creates low serotonin societies"[42] and therefore, "the pursuit of the weekend serotonin high can be seen as the logical consequence of living in the 'low serotonin society"[43], which James argues has developed in the UK since the 1950's. Hayward elaborates further on this by asking, "might not many individuals wish to escape…by exerting a sense of personal control and self-actualisation – to feel alive in an over-controlled yet at the same time highly unstable world?"[44].

In light of this, are the youths and young people more a victim of circumstance borne out of a lack of choice or awareness of being able to do anything different or is it simply that consuming alcohol in such a way is absolutely entrenched within our society? Schechner believes that,

"Despite the sirens, vomiting and inevitable hand wringing, the cumulative behaviour of the young drunk population, on Britain's high streets, constitute not inversions of the social order but mirrors of it"[45]

There might also be other reasons for young people engaging with alcohol in this way and that is associated with the thought of becoming an adult and that, for some, this may be quite daunting;

"If the challenge to the adult world can be considered as a significant and positive moment in the adolescent's natural growing process, the same cannot be said of abuse with the aim of 'anaesthetizing' pain or the result of a cultural model alien to youth culture (Beccaria et al., 1999). Consumption seems to contain both elements of a desire to be present in the world and also a desire to escape from a reality different from that which was promised"[46].

What is clear, is that alcohol plays a huge role in the lives of all the young people mentioned and that it is used, by some, to shape their identity during the transition into adulthood. It is suggested that if the encouragement of self-acceptance, self-awareness and familiarity with one's own identity was part of education and taught, through practices such as meditation for example, then young people may, at the very least, have an alternative to 'binge' or 'extreme' drinking when it comes to showcasing their identity. To think that a young person's identity is only perceived by others once they have consumed alcohol is concerning and it is argued that society is doing young people a disservice by not enabling them to promote their identities to others without the need for alcohol first.


Reference List

Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies, 18(7), 823-838.

Beccaria, F & Sande, A. (2003). 'Drinking games and rite of life projects: A social comparison of the meaning and functions of young people's use of alcohol during the rite of passage to adulthood in Italy and Norway'. Young, 11(2), 99–119.

Donnelly, L. & Gallagher, S. (13th May 2014). 'Britain's binge drinking levels are among the highest in the world'. Available from: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/health/news/10825449/Britains-binge-drinking-levels-are-among-the-highest-in-the-world.html (Accessed 15th December 2018).

Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (2008). Extreme Drinking (Ch.1). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. pp.1-13. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2018).

Measham, F. (2008). A History of Intoxication Changing Attitudes to Drunkenness and Excess in the United Kingdom (Ch.2). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. pp.13-37. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2019).

Measham, F. (2004). 'The decline of ecstasy, the rise of 'binge' drinking and the persistence of pleasure'. Probation Journal: The journal of Community and Criminal Justice, 51, 309-26.

Tutenges, S. and Rod, M. H. (2009). '"We got incredibly drunk … It was damned fun": Drinking stories among Danish youth'. Journal of youth studies 12(4), 355–370.


[1] Measham, F. (2008). A History of Intoxication Changing Attitudes to Drunkenness and Excess in the United Kingdom (Ch.2). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2019). Page 13

[2] Measham, F. (2004). 'The decline of ecstasy, the rise of 'binge' drinking and the persistence of pleasure'. Probation Journal: The journal of Community and Criminal Justice. Page 309

[3] Ibid

[4] Tutenges, S. and Rod, M. H. (2009). '"We got incredibly drunk … It was damned fun": Drinking stories among Danish youth'. Journal of youth studies. Page 355

[5] Tutenges, S. and Rod, M. H. (2009). '"We got incredibly drunk … It was damned fun": Drinking stories among Danish youth'. Journal of youth studies. Page 359

[6] Tutenges, S. and Rod, M. H. (2009). '"We got incredibly drunk … It was damned fun": Drinking stories among Danish youth'. Journal of youth studies. Page 360

[7] Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies. Page 825

[8] Ibid

[9] Beccaria, F & Sande, A. (2003). 'Drinking games and rite of life projects: A social comparison of the meaning and functions of young people's use of alcohol during the rite of passage to adulthood in Italy and Norway'. Young. Page 107

[10] Beccaria, F & Sande, A. (2003). 'Drinking games and rite of life projects: A social comparison of the meaning and functions of young people's use of alcohol during the rite of passage to adulthood in Italy and Norway'. Young. Page 110

[11] Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies. Page 823

[12] Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies. Page 828

[13] Beccaria, F & Sande, A. (2003). 'Drinking games and rite of life projects: A social comparison of the meaning and functions of young people's use of alcohol during the rite of passage to adulthood in Italy and Norway'. Young. Page 110

[14] Ibid

[15] Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies. Page 830

[16] Ibid

[17] Ibid

[18] Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies. Page 832

[19] Measham, F. (2008). A History of Intoxication Changing Attitudes to Drunkenness and Excess in the United Kingdom (Ch.2). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2019). Page 37

[20] Ibid

[21] Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (2008). Extreme Drinking (Ch.1). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2018). Page 1

[22] Measham, F. (2008). A History of Intoxication Changing Attitudes to Drunkenness and Excess in the United Kingdom (Ch.2). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2019). Page 26

[23] Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (2008). Extreme Drinking (Ch.1). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2018). Page 5

[24] Ibid

[25] Ibid

[26] Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (2008). Extreme Drinking (Ch.1). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2018). Page 6

[27] Measham, F. (2004). 'The decline of ecstasy, the rise of 'binge' drinking and the persistence of pleasure'. Probation Journal: The journal of Community and Criminal Justice. Page 316

[28] Donnelly, L. & Gallagher, S. (13th May 2014). 'Britain's binge drinking levels are among the highest in the world'. Available from: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/health/news/10825449/Britains-binge-drinking-levels-are-among-the-highest-in-the-world.html (Accessed 15th December 2018).

[29] Measham, F. (2008). A History of Intoxication Changing Attitudes to Drunkenness and Excess in the United Kingdom (Ch.2). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2019). Page 37

[30] Ibid

[31] Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (2008). Extreme Drinking (Ch.1). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2018). Page 8

[32] Ibid

[33] Ibid

[34] Measham, F. (2004). 'The decline of ecstasy, the rise of 'binge' drinking and the persistence of pleasure'. Probation Journal: The journal of Community and Criminal Justice. Page 319

[35] Beccaria F., Petrilli E. & Rolando S. (2015). 'Binge drinking vs. drunkenness. The questionable threshold of excess for young Italians'. Journal of Youth Studies. Page 825

[36] Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (2008). Extreme Drinking (Ch.1). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2018). Page 1

[37] Ibid

[38] Measham, F. (2004). 'The decline of ecstasy, the rise of 'binge' drinking and the persistence of pleasure'. Probation Journal: The journal of Community and Criminal Justice. Page 318

[39] Ibid

[40] Ibid

[41] Measham, F. (2004). 'The decline of ecstasy, the rise of 'binge' drinking and the persistence of pleasure'. Probation Journal: The journal of Community and Criminal Justice. Page 321

[42] Ibid

[43] Ibid

[44] Ibid

[45] Measham, F. (2008). A History of Intoxication Changing Attitudes to Drunkenness and Excess in the United Kingdom (Ch.2). In Martinic, M. & Measham, F. (Eds.) Swimming with Crocodiles: The Culture of Extreme Drinking. [e-book version]. Available from: https://www.dawsonera.com/abstract/9780203893241 (Accessed: 10th December 2019). Page 14

[46] Beccaria, F & Sande, A. (2003). 'Drinking games and rite of life projects: A social comparison of the meaning and functions of young people's use of alcohol during the rite of passage to adulthood in Italy and Norway'. Young. Page 103

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